The second term of the Modi government has been marred by handfuls of agitators taking to the street each time a major reform is undertaken, indulging in vandalism, arson, stone-pelting, blockades, plunder, and even rape and murder. These reforms affect large percentages of the Indian population, and therefore, one would have expected mammoth reactions at every level if the predominant belief each time was that the skies were falling due to any particular measure. However, with each reform, it has only been an intransigent minority that holds the government and the people to ransom. After the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the farm bills, the agitators plan to make the Agnipath Scheme their next victim.
There are three overarching factors that should never allow the current government or its actions to fall prey to the agitators. The first is about the fundamentals and principles at stake. The state’s monopoly on violence, or on legitimate use of physical force, must remain sacrosanct since that is the bedrock of a modern state. The street veto is rampant today because at a certain level, the state is allowing intransigent minorities to use this route, and that is the most basic violation of the social contract. Moreover, the government has a clear electoral mandate from the people. An intransigent minority is not only undermining the government, but subverting the electoral mandate. The government must be clear that nobody has the right to make a mockery of their electoral mandate, especially an intransigent minority.
The second factor is the very strong possibility that these agitations are orchestrated. These agitations have political backing without exception, and have seen every group opposed to the current dispensation joining forces to perpetuate them. The issue here is that these groups do not seem to be piggybacking on the agitations for political mileage, but seem to be playing an important role in the planning and execution. For instance, the anti-CAA agitation in different parts of the country invariably led law enforcement agencies to different operatives of the Popular Front of India (PFI). When it came to the agitators blocking arterial highways around Delhi to get the farm laws withdrawn, opposition parties and governments provided logistical support. Moreover, the agitators were backed by international elements, many secessionist in nature. Were any of these agitations spontaneous at all, or were they being driven through loudspeakers and through incentives? Were out-of-power political forces, who have no say in policy now, charting a backdoor route to get their way? Were international forces involved, influencing the Indian policy? To put it simply, the government must understand its raison d’etre. The mere possibility of being systematically controlled by unelectable puppet-masters must be put to rest.
The third factor is that currently, the street veto is the biggest obstacle for India to achieve her objectives. All said and done, the Modi government has performed and delivered on various fronts. The response to the pandemic has demonstrated that the state is no longer the lethargic and unprofessional entity that it once used to be. Efficiency and transparency have reached new heights with Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) and welfare reaching the last mile. A recent International Monetary Fund (IMF) study finds that extreme poverty has been eradicated in India. Infrastructure is being constructed at an unprecedented pace. When it comes to foreign policy, India has leveraged every situation in the world to emerge as a power in its own right. On the legacy front, Kashmir’s autonomy has been junked. However, contrary to the strides that India makes, the prevalence of the street veto underlies that when it comes to reforms, the story since December 2020 has been that of one step forward and two steps back. Reforms in national security, legacy issues, agriculture, economics and many other crucial verticals have taken a hit. If the government backs down in any way on Agnipath, defence, too, can be added to the list.
When the Modi government returned to power in 2019, and tasted victory on both the Kashmir and the Ram Mandir fronts in quick succession, its opponents decided to make it tougher for them to achieve a third consecutive victory with the CAA. The government retaliated and quelled the violence soon, but is yet to introduce the rules for the CAA. The hesitation in doing so led its opponents to believe that they had successfully brought the state down on its knees using the street veto. This emboldened them to occupy the highways around Delhi for more than a year against the farm laws. They tasted blood once again, on the farm law front this time, when the government repealed them. With the belief that they have now found the key to alter any legitimate status quo, they have attacked Ram Navmi processions and rioted against Nupur Sharma’s statement all across the country too, knowing that whatever stands against their will can be subdued easily.
The state needs to strike preemptively. If the CAA rules continue to remain in a limbo, and if God forbid, Agnipath, like the farm bills is repealed, then no amount of custodial beatings or bulldozing of buildings will do the trick. If the elements orchestrating these agitations are able to successfully undermine the state and alter its policies, what are a few bruises and some rubble before the larger victories that they score? After all, the displacement of the Kashmiri Pandit community, the most shameful episode of independent India, also occurred because at a fundamental level, the street veto was normalised.
On the other hand, in Varanasi, those agitating against the Agnipath Scheme and trying to shut down a market were beaten mercilessly on the road by common citizens who simply wanted to lead their normal lives.
One can only imagine the chaos that would ensue if this becomes a norm tomorrow.
Ajit Datta is an author and political commentator. He has authored the book, ‘Himanta Biswa Sarma: From Boy Wonder to CM’. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not represent the stand of this publication.
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